Four years ago, I belatedly discovered today, Jeremy Waldron, an academic and a philospher of law, published an article entitled "Settlement, Return and the Supersession Thesis".
This thesis, simply summarized by Waldron, asserts that historic injustice may be overtaken by changes in circumstances so that a situation that was unjust when it was brought about may coincide with what justice requires at a later time. He developed it on the basis of his own national experience of New Zealand where he was born. It seeks to make the best out of a bad situation.
Waldron attempts, and fails in my opinion, to suggest that it is applicable to the issue of Jewish revenant presence in the territories he considers "occupied", whose communities he declares are "unjust" (p. 250). He admits, p. 248, that he hopes he is not too ill-informed but, of course, since most if not all of his sources appear to me to be of extreme and radical post-Zionists and anti-revenant persons, that is more or less what he is when it comes down to details, including a woeful misinterpretation of history. But since Waldron plaunges in as a moralist and philospher, I presume he thinks himself excused.
He automatically excuses himself from having to reply to any criticism of his Theory if it is based on the claim that the residential activities of Jews who are in their national homeland is not "unjust". That, I would suggest, is taking the easy way out. In actuality, what Waldron does is ignore (but not entirely, see his 2003 lecture here on "Who was here first? Two essays on indigeneity and settlement" at the Minerva Center, one of Israel's most post-modern and anti-Zionist academic dens) the essence of Jewish nationalism, the long period of constant return, the weakness of Arab localism, the total negation of Jewish nationalism by those Arabs and the religious aspect of the two movements claiming the same territory.
He ignores the fact that, whether or not I pwersonally think it was the correct path at the time, the pre-state and state institutions of power, i.e., the World Zionist Organization and the Governments of Israel, all promoted, sought out and negotiated compromise. Compromise of immigration, compromise of parity, compromise of territory to this or that extent. Never did the Arabs consider any compromise. In the 1920s, they rejected an Arab Agency. Other proposals of a legislative council and an advisory council came their way, but the Arbas consistently failed to act in a diplomatic fashion, preferring terror from 1920 on until, basically, today. Given that character of a movement, given that character of an approach and outlook, Waldron is so way-off-base in his theorizing that it is difficult to understand why such a brilliant thinker proposes such a theory.
I presume he realizes that he is being political, not philosophical nor moral, when he asserts that peace is not served by the communities or that Israel is guilty of crimes of ethnic cleansing (unlike the Arabs who ethnically-cleansed the Mandate of the Jewish communities of Tel Hai, Hulda and Bee'r Tuvia in the 1920s and 1930s and in the 1947-49 war continued the cleansing of Bet HaAravah, Neveh Yaakov, Atarot, the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem's walled section - there not being in truth a west/east divide - and the Etzion Bloc of four kibbuztim, all the while massacring the Jewish inhabitants) and expulsion.
He also avoids the legal question in not dealing with the legitimate Jewish right to settle closely on the Land which at that time, 1922, extended to the Jordan River, at least. This is not being academic, nor philosphical not moralistic. And thwre are many other aspects (constant Return to Zion over the millenia; the military history of this Land; the true Arab origins; etc.) that are not confronted.
I would suggest that if one is to be a genuine moralist, why not have the the Supercession Theory? If one ethnic/national group completely rejects the other's nationalism and its claims, rejects diplomacy always in favor of terror, adopts the most horrific of terror methods like homicidal suicide bombings, cannot build or maintain institutions of political power nor create democratic practices and neither promote human and civil rights and liberties, then that group is superceeded by history and loses out, what Martin Sherman calls "losing out on history".
In short, the Supersession Thesis should be superseded and surpressed.
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These might be found helpful:
Melanie Phillips' recent post.
Aspects of International Law. More. The booklet. And Efraim Karsh's latest Commentary artcile.
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2 comments:
” I presume he realizes that he is being political, not philosophical nor moral, when he asserts that peace is not served by the communities or that Israel is guilty of crimes of ethnic cleansing (unlike the Arabs<…>”
Yisrael, do I understand you correctly that, in your view, saying that “Israel is guilty of crimes of ethnic cleansing”, even if true, is immoral? Or that it doesn’t serve peace? If so, then I think you’re dead wrong.
First, because cover up is invariably worse than the original sin. The truth always comes out in the end (at least, that’s what I was told as a child) and when it does, people are going to be very angry. A lot of people; if even I - not an enemy of the Jewish people by any means- am angry that things were and are being covered up. In Israel there will be a state of shock (I hope). In America, too, people will start asking “why were we never told?”, then will look at who controls the media and politics and draw some conclusions, justified or not (I am talking about American media and politics.)
Next, because if there is going to be peace between the Pals and Israelis it will have to include mutual reconciliation of their respective narratives and recognition of past crimes and their restitutions (not a sufficient but a necessary condition, this one.) Otherwise the only way out of the current deadlock is another major catastrophe for both people and maybe even beyond, whose outcome is totally unpredictable but will be horrific no matter how you look at it (unless you’re expecting a Messiah any time soon or have any other such unpractical delusions.)
Lastly, there does not seem to be a serious scholar in the world that will deny that what happened in 1948 was ethnic cleansing (yes, on both sides, but with horribly skewed numbers.) Denying this nowadays just won’t do anymore (if I have time – which is not really in such an abundance - I will analyze the Karsh article to the best of my modestly educated and highly opinionated abilities and try to show how his denial is nothing but sophistry and is just not too credible.)
From the Karsh article:
” Against this backdrop, it is hardly to be wondered at that most Palestinians wanted nothing to do with the violent attempt ten years later by the mufti-led Arab Higher Committee (AHC), the effective “government” of the Palestinian Arabs, to subvert the 1947 UN partition resolution. With the memories of 1936-39 still fresh in their minds, many opted to stay out of the fight. In no time, numerous Arab villages (and some urban areas) were negotiating peace agreements with their Jewish neighbors; other localities throughout the country acted similarly without the benefit of a formal agreement.
Etc. There is a lot of implication in his article that it was not the Palestinian Arabs themselves but their “leaders” who forced them both to flee and to fight against the Jews. If you trust Karsh, how does this square with your comment that you ”assume that the vast majority of those Arabs deasired the physical extermination of all the Jews in the Mandate area, many acted on that belief”?
Whether or not Karsh is reliable is another question. He writes fluidly but there are small "semantic subversions" (I liked that expression in one of your posts) in many intances. For example: “Thus, the December 1947 murder of six Arab workers near the Haifa oil refinery by the small Jewish underground group IZL <...>” One might be led to think he was talking about some small fringe group and not about a major one, more commonly known in English as Irgun!!!
Or this:
”This claim of premeditated dispossession and the consequent creation of the longstanding Palestinian “refugee problem” forms, indeed, the central plank in the bill of particulars pressed by Israel’s alleged victims and their Western supporters. It is a charge that has hardly gone undisputed. As early as the mid-1950’s, the eminent American historian J.C. Hurewitz undertook a systematic refutation, and his findings were abundantly confirmed by later generations of scholars and writers. Even Benny Morris, the most influential of Israel’s revisionist “new historians,” and one who went out of his way to establish the case for Israel’s “original sin,” grudgingly stipulated that there was no “design” to displace the Palestinian Arabs.”
Note how Karsh, while unable to deny the facts of dispossession, “gently” stresses the fact that it was not “premeditated”. So, even Morris agrees that the dispossession was not premeditated, bid deal! I said before, and I repeat now: you cannot hide behind intentions ad infinitum. (That a war is a mess I can understand. That there will be criminals whom not even the most efficient government can control I can accept. The fact that the government itself is the biggest criminal - and not, say, the people - is almost granted. But the denial and the cover-up, unwillingness to accept responsibility and propensity to blame the victims – this is totally unjustifiable in my eyes.)
Next:
"Yet while the Jewish leadership and media described these gruesome events for what they were, at times withholding details so as to avoid panic and keep the door open for Arab-Jewish reconciliation, their Arab counterparts not only inflated the toll to gigantic proportions but invented numerous nonexistent atrocities. <..> Accounts of Deir Yasin in the Arab media were especially lurid, featuring supposed hammer-and-sickle tattoos on the arms of IZL fighters and accusations of havoc and rape."
A false statement, since, regarding Deir Yasin we know even from the same Milstein that some of the exaggerated claims of the horrors of Deir Yasin came actually from certain Jewish elements that hoped to instill fear in Arabs in this way.
In general, Karsh tries to paint a picture of mostly benign, although occasionally cruel, Jews, that largely did nothing wrong to drive the Arabs away. He fails to mention other cases of other big atrocities besides Deir Yasin, as well as cases of purposeful driving of thousands of Palestinians out of their homes by the Jewish forces. On the other hand he repeats the myth of the Arab leadership calling for the Arabs to leave.
Just these several instances make me very wary of trusting this guy.
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