Saturday, January 06, 2024

Rudyard Kipling Visits Mandate Palestine 1929

 



and an interrupted repaste:


Postscript:


A copy of the unpublished private edition was given to Franklin Delano Roosevelt in October 1943, with instructions not to make the gift public. ‘The Burden of Jerusalem’ is reproduced here with the same punctuation and in the same format as it appeared in the privately bound volume.

I was working through files from the Roosevelt library (http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu/), which has a large amount of letters online, when I noticed a note by Churchill.

I was immediately intrigued and wondered what it was that Churchill didn’t want to be made public. I looked around the net and the only reference I could find was in usenet where some silly people had mentioned the Poems and they seem to have appeared in a Christopher Hitchens book about 1990. I emailed some Kipling people and one was kind enough to post me photocopies from one of the copies of them, talked about in the Churchill-Roosevelt correspondence, that he possessed. I think this is the first time the poems [with ‘A Chapter of Proverbs’] have appeared in full online. The majority of Kipling fans seem to be in ignorance of their existence and I am not sure if they have appeared elsewhere in print since 1990. I think their historical importance is clear.
David Noone

THE BURDEN OF JERUSALEM

But Abram said unto Sarai, “Behold
thy maid is in thy hand. Do to
her as it pleaseth thee.” And
when Sarai dealt hardly with her
she fled from her face.
                 Genesis XVI.6.

In ancient days
     and deserts wild
There rose a feud –
     still unsubdued –
’Twixt Sarah’s son
     and Hagar’s child
That centred round Jerusalem.

(While underneath
     the timeless bough
Of Mamre’s oak,
     mid stranger-folk
The Patriarch slumbered
     and his spouse
Nor dreamed about Jerusalem).

For Ashmael lived
     where he was born,
And pastured there
     in tents of hair
Among the Camel
     and the Thorn –
Beersheba, south Jerusalem.

But Israel sought
     employ and food
At Pharoah’s knees,
     till Rameses
Dismissed his plaguey multitude,
     with curses,
Toward Jerusalem.

Across the wilderness
     they came,
And launched their horde
     o’er Jordan’s ford,
And blazed the road
     by sack and flame
To Jebusite Jerusalem.

Then Kings and Judges
     ruled the land,
And did not well by Israel,
     Till Babylonia took a hand,
And drove them from Jerusalem.

And Cyrus sent them back anew,
     To carry on as they had done,
Till angry Titus overthrew
     The fabric of Jerusalem.

Then they were scattered
     north and west,
While each Crusade
     more certain made
That Hagar’s vengeful
     son possessed
Mohamedan Jerusalem.

Where Ishmael held
     his desert state,
And framed a creed
     to serve his need. –
“Allah-hu-Akbar!
     God is Great!”
He preached it in Jerusalem.

And every realm
     they wandered through
Rose, far or near,
     in hate or fear,
And robbed and tortured,
     chased and slew,
The outcasts of Jerusalem.

So ran their doom –
     half seer, half slave –
And ages passed,
     and at the last
They stood beside
     each tyrant’s grave,
And whispered of Jerusalem.

We do not know
     what God attends
The Unloved Race
     in every place
Where they amass
     their dividends
From Riga to Jerusalem;

But all the course
     of Time makes clear
To everyone
     (except the Hun)
It does not pay to interfere
With Cohen from Jerusalem.

For, ‘neath the Rabbi’s
     curls and fur
(Or scents and rings
     of movie-Kings)
The aloof,
     unleavened blood of Ur,
Broods steadfast on Jerusalem.

Where Ishmael bides
     in his own place –
A robber bold,
     as was foretold,
To stand before
     his brother’s face –
The wolf without Jerusalem:

And burthened Gentiles
     o’er the main
Must bear the weight
     of Israel’s hate
Because he is not
     brought again
In triumph to Jerusalem.

Yet he who bred the
     unending strife
And was not brave
     enough to save
The Bondsmaid from
     the furious wife,
He wrought thy woe, Jerusalem!

...The following is by David Richards, an American Kipling collector and the author of a new bibliography of Rudyard Kipling, to be published by Oak Knoll Press in 2006.

I have a little privately bound typescript book, supposedly (and I believe) printed by Alfred Webb-Johnson, who operated on Kipling in October 1931, and is said to have “edited” ‘Something of Myself’ (a claim doubted by Professor Pinney, as I remember). This book, a small 8vo titled in gilt only on the spine and bound in dark blue half-calf with marble endpapers, is comprised of 16 leaves. ‘The Burden of Jerusalem’ is leaves 4-8, and ‘A Chapter of Proverbs’ is leaves 9-13, with 32 numbered proverbs, ending with the note “An unpublished item by Rudyard Kipling, and given to me by Mrs. Kipling. Copy in the British Museum.” This is followed by Webb-Johnson’s signature. ‘The Burden of Jerusalem’ is present in the British Library (BL Add MS 45680 f. 155-56, typescript, two leaves, rectos only, seventeen 4-line stanzas, annotated “to follow ‘The Peace of Dives’”) in a typescript copy with a letter from Webb-Johnson dated 12 August 1940 saying that the poem was meant for publication but withheld by Mrs. Kipling. There is another copy at the Royal College of Surgeons, with ‘A Chapter of Proverbs’ and bound with correspondence regarding these items (Webb-Johnson to Winston Churchill, 28 July 1943; Churchill to Webb-Johnson, 1 August 1943 and 12 October 1943, and a copy of a letter from Webb-Johnson to Franklin Roosevelt, 14 October 1943).

The first letter to Churchill states that Webb-Johnson had given copies of ‘The Burden of Jerusalem’ to Queen Mary and the British Library, and there are copies in the Churchill College Cambridge and Roosevelt (Hyde Park NY) Libraries. ‘A Chapter of Proverbs’ is also among the Kipling Papers at Sussex University (25/4). The Royal Library, Windsor, contains a calligraphic MS of ‘Burden,’ including an epigraph from Genesis, made for Webb-Johnson as a birthday present for Queen Mary, transcribed in 1914 from a copy sent to Webb-Johnson by Carrie Kipling. Stanzas 1 and 14 were first published in Carrington’s biography of Kipling in 1955, at p. 498, and are reprinted in Harbord, Verse No. 1163, as ‘Jews or Jews and Arabs.’ ‘Burden’ was first formally published in Lord Birkenhead’s biography of Kipling in 1978. Hitchens is the first to publish ‘A Chapter of Proverbs’ in a trade edition.
Another copy of what I have, bound in red morocco, was included as item (iv) in item 1 in Maggs 1994 Rudyard Kipling catalogue, with Webb-Johnson’s papers, including a letter from Churchill to Webb-Johnson suggesting that another Kipling poem contained in this little book, entitled ‘President Wilson,’ be destroyed as “derogatory” and unworthy of Kipling’s reputation. (On the Wilson piece, see the Kipling Journal 3/82, p. 46, and KJ 6/82, p. 38.)
David Alan Richards
New York

‘The Burden of Jerusalem’ appears in slightly edited form in Christopher Hitchens, Blood, Class, and Nostalgia: Anglo-American Ironies, Farrar, Straus & Giroux (New York), 1990, pp. 86-88. Here it is reproduced exactly as it appears in the original, privately published volume held by David Richards. (An instance of “Ashmael” instead of “Ishmael” and apparent punctuation errors appear in the original.)
----------------------
We have been informed, in full detail, of Kipling’s piece of verse “The Burden of Jerusalem”, and I am aware that a number of our members find it distasteful.  Nonetheless, the verses exist:  The genie – no, we’re talking Kipling so it should be djinn - has been let out of the bottle, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to stuff him back again (and why is the genie in ‘Aladdin’ always male?).  So let us consider the piece, as John Walker has said, in an open way.  In doing so, I draw no conclusions, but offer these observations – which are not intended to be an apologia for the verse or for Kipling’s alleged views but, I hope, a dispassionate dissection..
Kipling always spoke of “the two sides of his head”.  I do not think that one can say exactly what those two sides were, because their exact nature varied, depending on his age and what he was writing.  One thing is, I think, undoubted, and that is that Kipling was capable of expressing views, in the mouths of his characters, which were not necessarily a reflection of his own.  Furthermore, one should remember that he was a superlative journalist, and master of English.  He reviewed and revised his texts over and over again (he told us so in Something of Myself ).  Therefore it behoves us to examine his words carefully, and not put any careless interpretation on them which is not in strict accordance with the accepted definition of those words. 
(There is an excellent example of the dangers of this in Stanza 12, where he talks of “the unloved race”.  Mark the exact word “unloved”.  He does not say “unlovable”.  He is making a statement of fact, as will be shown later on.)
It may also be observed that Kipling was, at various times of his life, capable of expressing contrary views on the same subject.  He may have held racialist views, but he was perfectly capable of admiring other races and expressing that admiration.   (N.B. the word ‘racist’ is first cited in the OED in 1927: “racialist” and “racialism” date from 1901/2, but we should not apply our late 20th century views to those of our 19th century forebears without remembering autre temps, autre moeurs).  He may have been contemptuous of the Bengali babu type, but he admired the Punjabi Mussulman.
So, for what they are worth, here are my observations, which are not in any particular order, except for the first ones which consider the 17 stanzas.
1.         The first eleven stanzas of the poem can be considered a clever, and not inaccurate, history of Israel.  My knowledge of that history is distinctly shaky, and I cannot say if the reference to Israel in stanza 4 is to one tribe or to all.  I think it is likely that it supposed to be to all, using ‘Israel’ as an all-encompassing word for the Jewish race.
2          The next stanza (12) can certainly be taken as distinctly anti-Semitic – “the Unloved race”:  “amass their dividends”.  Having said that, it is also a statement of fact:  the Jews have been, throughout history, an “unloved race” (NOT, as remarked above, an “unlovable race”) suffering persecution at the hands of just about every nation amongst whom they have settled.  (In that context, so far as I know, the only place where there has not, in recent history, been any systematic persecution of the race is in the United States of America.)  And one of the reasons why they have been unloved is because of their skill with money.  No one likes those who make money (as it is perceived) by usury from those amongst whom they live (cf, in 2009, “bankers”).
3.         Stanza 13 I find interesting.  As I say, my history of this is shaky to minuscule, and I do not know of any specific incident in which the biter has been substantially bitten after a tussle with “the Jews” – though it may have been so in economic terms – when the Jews were thrown out of England in 1290 by Edward I, after a century and a quarter of intermittent and sometimes bloody persecution, I suspect the King probably found it difficult to raise the wind for his wars against the Scots.
            But the verse is entirely apposite today.  As the world has observed since the state of Israel came into being in 1948, its motto may be said to be “An Eye for an Eye and a Tooth for a Tooth”.  So Kipling’s words are extremely prescient.  I do not understand RK’s reference to “the Hun” not knowing better than to “interfere with Cohen from Jerusalem”.  (Remember, the verse seems to have been written before the Nazi state began to persecute Jews.) 
4.         Stanza 14 may also be said to be prescient.  As is well-known the ancient city of Jerusalem has great significance for Jewry, as it has for Palestinians of all faiths, for differing reasons.  But the unification of the city is, in my understanding, a central plank of right-wing politics in Israel, and I suspect that, although other political parties may be less insistent, they would still say that they have, in effect, a prior claim to the city, and when RK wrote the verse, the toast of “Next Year in Jerusalem” at the Feast of Passover, had a very real meaning among the followers of Judaism.  Very many references speak of Jerusalem being central to Judaism, and although there is a sneering tone to the stanza, it is nonetheless an accurate reflection of the feeling amongst Jewry.
5.         To provide at least a partial balance, Stanza 15 is not exactly complimentary to the Arab, without mentioning the Muslim faith of the majority.  Nor does it suggest that Muslims world-wide are united in a desire to possess Jerusalem.  Muslims would be more concerned with the fate of Mecca and the Holy Places of Medina than with the fate of Jerusalem.  (I wonder what would be the view of the average Muslim man-in-the street in Djakarta, capital of the largest Muslim state?)  The reference is to the sons of Ishmael, who, I take it, are the modern day Palestinians.
6.         Stanza 16 implies the difficulties experienced by those who ‘held the ring’ between, on the one side, the established Jewish settlers who had been in Palestine since the 1890s or so, and those in central Europe who saw in the aftermath of the Balfour Declaration their hope of a Jewish state, and on the other, the former subjects of the Ottoman Empire who had lived on and tilled their land since the expulsion of the Jews in AD70. 
7.         The final stanza, taken literally, suggests that if Abraham had been firmer with his wife, and taken charge of his household, the whole difference between the tribes might never have occurred.  John Walker has noted that the verse was originally prefaced with a verse from Genesis, which confirms that reference.  John went on to suggest that RK was implicitly criticising the British mandate.  For what it is worth, his correspondence with Elsie at the time, recording that he had dined with the Acting High Commissioner, and was about to dine with Sir John Chancellor, the High Commissioner himself,  contain no hint of criticism -  he speaks of Palestine in three separate letters, to Elsie, to Lady Sykes (daughter of Bonar Law) and to Sir Henry Newbolt as being “a most marvellous land”, although he notes that there were “three religions at each others’ throats and the Bolshie dancing in the background to see where he can get in a stab”.
            In one of his letters to Elsie from Jerusalem at this time, he remarks that “many races are vile but the Jew in bulk on his native heath is the Vilest of them all.” Of all the remarks which I have read in the last few days, that is undoubtedly the most damning to Kipling’s reputation.
8.         So why?  The view he took was undoubtedly common in British society (and other European societies – cf the Dreyfus case in France) at the time.  What was it about the Jews collectively which made them so disliked?  Did that attitude pervade all classes?  Probably not.  The Jewish pawnbroker, if he were honest, was a necessary part of life to many of the labouring classes, and certainly wasn’t hated.  The Jewish financier was equally necessary to the upper classes, for whom he frequently provided similar, if more recherché, facilities (cf.  King Edward VII).  My suggestion is that the attitude stemmed from a complex series of causes.  One was that the Jews were Different, a tribe apart, and whatever one may say, tribalism, whether it be Millwall fans v: West Ham fans, is still an immensely strong force.  Secondly, in an era when Land (“ther Land” as Midmore contemptuously expressed it in the early pages of ‘My Son’s Wife’) formed the basis of wealth, the Jews, who Understood Money in a way that too many landed proprietors did not, provided the essential capital which could not easily be unlocked from land, and as has been said above, no-one likes those who make money out of one’s own lack of it.  Thirdly, in Understanding Money, Jews were quite happy to talk about it, and in Polite Society that just was Not Done (and Polite Society did not merely mean the upper and monied classes, it went pretty far down the social scale).  Fourthly, they kept themselves to themselves, and didn’t take part in the same activities as the great bulk of the British public – though in Regency days, the Jewish prize-fighter Mendoza was a great favourite with the public.  (I haven’t got the least idea, but wonder how many professional footballers in the Premiership and upper divisions of the Football League are Jews?)
10.       If Kipling was anti-semitic, then he reflected the view of the majority of his generation (consider that paragon, George Cottar, who, on hearing that a girl named Miriam is to visit, wonders, in a disparaging way, if she is of Jewish extraction).  But in his Lodge in India, he had met, on an equal footing, a Jew along with others of all the faiths.  However, if there were conflict between Muslim and Jew, perhaps he would have supported the Muslims, whom he admired (because he knew them) rather than the Jews (whom he knew much less well).
It was not until I had written all the above that I read the text of Professor Craig Raine’s lecture at the Kim conference in 2002 (KJ 303, Sept 2002, as noted by John Walker).  He makes many of the same points that I have, if more elegantly.  And he cites some of Kipling’s more positive (if, perhaps, not totally approving) remarks about the Jews, as well as other negative remarks.  And he identifies where the piece is to be found, in the Roosevelt Library at the Roosevelt home, Hyde Park:  it would be interesting to know precisely when it was written.
There are many more points to be made, e.g.: Jews in South Africa – did RK comment on them? – if not, why not?  He must have met them on the boats going out to the Cape and coming home again.  In the verse (stanza 14), one might suggest that he has chosen as his exemplars only the caricature Jew.
Some may consider it significant that the metre is undoubtedly that of the bawdy song “The Harlot of Jerusalem” – observations to this effect have appeared in the KJ in the not too distant past.  The words of that song vary, and the date is uncertain, but it almost certainly dates from World War I, and possibly originated with the troops of Allenby’s army which drove the Turks out of Sinai, Palestine and Syria.  (Certainly some versions date from that period, since there is a reference in one to the Lewis Gun.)  I have not seen the connection made elsewhere (but haven’t particularly looked for it) but it may be suggested that there is a parallel with the “Whore of Rome” – a 17th century (I think) and later reference to the Roman Catholic Church, much used by the more extreme Protestants.
If that is accepted, then it might be suggested that the Harlot of Jerusalem is, indeed, Judaism.
And if that, in turn is accepted, then the whole poem can be interpreted as a rant (or is that too strong?) against Judaism.
Kipling was a man of his time: he held most of the prejudices of a British member of the middle class of that time.  He did so, perhaps with better reason, because he had had so wide an experience of life, both personally and vicariously because of his own “’satiable curtiosity”.  We, with our post holocaust knowledge, should be wary of ascribing views to him which represent only one side of his head.
Oh, and finally, just consider what he said about Americans from time to time.
Alastair Wilson
------------------------------------

^




Monday, December 18, 2023

Another of My Not-Printed-Letters-to-the-Editor

To the Editor of the Jerusalem Post:

Herb Keinon is correct ("The jarring voices of internal division rise again", Dec 5) that the last thing we need is a continuation of the "camp vs. camp" atmosphere that preceded this period of war. However, I myself was jarred to read that his first example of the divisional antagonism was a Likud Minister, David Amsalem, who was responding - as Keinon admits - to former General Dan Harel who had spoken the previous evening. I would have liked to think that the principle of "first things first" be preserved in "analysis" columns.

More importantly, though, is that Keinon neglected to inform his readers of the true extent of the persistence of the anti-Netanyahu forces. Those who are on social media platforms, notably Facebook, X and Telegram, are aware that they never actually stopped.





There one can see the posts of Mehdal23 with its poster of Netanyahu's face slapped with a bloody hand and the slogan "Guilty of the Slaughter". There are other groups as well. Shikma Bressler and Moshe Radman Abutbol, leaders of "Force Kaplan", along with Ilan Shiloah and Ami Dror, pump out posts multiple times every time in sharp, berating and denigrating fashion. Their messaging, their visuals and their video clips have only increased in negative near hysterical tone. Ronen Tzur who advises many of the anti-Netanyahu groups is now positioned as publicist and strategist for the abductees campaign and is accused by families of those in Gaza of turning that forum into another venue for anti-Netanyahu rhetoric. Jarring indeed.










^

"Both Banks" a la Omar Bartov

I left this comment at a talk/interview in which Omer Bartov and Peter Beinart participated in of Democracy Now!:

At 10:10 on to 11:30 or so, on the issue of "from the Rive to the Sea" - a) historically, the Land of Israel as the Jewish national home always comprised of land on both banks on the Jordan River from Biblical times through Talmudic era* and also various foreign conquerors. b) actually, the League of Nations indicated in its 1922 decision that that was so but postponed full application of the Mandate for the reconstituted Jewish home due to Gt. Britain, illegally I would suuggest, bringing in Abdullah the Hashemeite of Saudi Arabia to newly-created Jordan. c) the Israeli Right never intended to slaughter all the Arabs as the Hamas wishes to do and the Fatah wouldn't mind doing.

* "We learned there in a mishna: Eretz Yisrael is divided into three separate lands...Judea, Transjordan, and the Galilee." Pesachim 52B, for example

Thanks to IB for the heads-up.

^

Friday, November 17, 2023

The Storming of Haifa’s Maccabi Hall, 1934

The storming of Haifa’s Maccabi Hall, 1934

By Yisrael Medad

Published in the Jerusalem Post Weekend Magazine, November 17, 2023

On Thursday evening, October 18, 1934, at 9:15 PM, Dr. Wolfgang-Ze'ev von Weisel ascended the platform of the Maccabi Hall in Haifa located where Herzl and Balfour Streets join, near the old Reali High School site. He was facing less than 100 listeners who had purchased tickets to hear him speak on the topic "The status of the Jews in Europe and the Question of the Saar Region and the National Petition". He never finished his presentation. In fact, he barely got a word out.

Viennese-born, as his father, who was an officer of the Austro-Hungarian Army, von Weisel also served and was wounded in World War I. He came to Mandate Palestine in 1922 and was an instructor in the early Hagana officers’ training school in 1924. He became an early disciple of Ze'ev Jabotinsky and a leader in the Revisionist Party. He was a renowned syndicated journalist and, covering the outbreak of the 1929 riots in Jerusalem, he was stabbed and seriously injured.

The anti-Revisionist atmosphere in Haifa at that time was especially vitriolic especially following the murder of Haim Arlosoroff in June 1933 with the suspicion of guilt falling on the Revisionists. Mapia's Haifa branch decided that Revisionists must be "dismissed from work and deprived of their livelihoods; we must create an atmosphere of moral contempt and personal boycott, on the streets, at work, and wherever we can exert influence." This resulted at the end of July 1933 in the dismissal of Revisionists and Betarim from jobs in Histadrut enterprises.

A new labor clash, this one in Haifa at a construction site, began to develop in January 1934. Contractor David Shmuel-David was engaged in constructing an apartment building in the Herzliya neighborhood just west of Hadar Hacarmel. He employed not only Histadrut-affiliated workers but didn’t see any problem with Betarim even though, technically, they were unorganized.

On one occasion, when, short of laborers, he asked of the Haifa Labor Council to employ Betarim in addition to Italians and Arabs. That body insisted that he employ only organized labor and to exclude the Betar members. When he refused and hired them anyway, the Labor Council called a strike. Abba Hushi, head of the Haifa Labor Council, spoke in the name of 6000 workers and felt he could bully anyone who opposed his vision of "Labor Palestine".

The Betar members who had been called in, were declared strikebreakers. Other buildings in Haifa belonging to the contractor, as well as those of a Weinstein, were demolished. The few Betarim who did get though and worked were repeatedly attacked by mobs of party activists and the police had to intervene. Previously, Mapai had sanctioned a muscle group set up by Yitzhak Ben-Aharon called Hever Hape'ilim ("The Activists"), the practical organization of which was in the hands of Ben-Aharon, Yosef Almogi of Haifa's Labor Council and Yosef Avidar of the Tel Aviv Labor Council and also a member of the Hagana command.

The rank and file were organized into "Hapoel Squads," within the framework of the Hapoel Sports Organization. They were controlled by the labor councils in the cities, especially Tel Aviv and Haifa, which provided funds. Yet, by the Histadrut denying Betarim the right to work because they were unorganized, and denying them the right to organize themselves within their own labor exchange, the local labor councils left the Betarim few alternatives other than breaking strikes so that they could earn money for their physical existence. Clashes were inevitable.

Two additional occurrences fed into the events of October 18. In July, Avraham Stavsky was found not guilty of Arlosoroff's murder after a three-month long trial that filled the newspapers almost daily. Moreover, in late August that year, the Revisionist movement appealed to Mapai to reach understandings so as to remove from inter-party activities any violence as well as to achieve a modus vivendi for resolving labor disputes which had plagued the Yishuv ever since February 1928 and, in greater intensity, since October 1932 when, at the Froumine Biscuit factory in Givat Shaul in Jerusalem, Betarim were beaten up for strikebreaking.

During an earlier discussion at a Mapai Central Committee session in June 1934, Moshe Beilinson, member of the Histadrut's Executive Committee, decried the fact that "Our movement's image is becoming more and more distorted. For the past two years, the use of physical force has become our answer to everything…We, for our part, have only one response: force! Strikebreakers, unorganized labor, employment of Arabs, children in uniforms we don't like, calling Stavsky to the Torah. Everything is an abomination and our reaction is always the same: Let them have it!" His criticism fell on deaf ears in Haifa.

In Haifa, it was Labor Zionist policy that no Revisionist meeting could take place even in a closed hall and by invitation. And so, outside the Maccabi Hall that Thursday evening were about 1500 protestors recruited from Hapoel squads, kibbutzim and socialist youth movements. As soon as the meeting began, there were disturbances from several socialists who had purchased tickets to be on the inside. The doors were broken down and the mob began to stone those inside.

A stink bomb was thrown which caused vomiting and dizziness in the enclosed space. Windows were smashed. Furniture was overturned. Over twenty people (40 according to Haaretz, among them 7 police personnel) were injured, among them, Von-Weisel himself whose head was cut. Four, including two children, passers-by, required hospital treatment and one, 15-year old A, Rundstein, had his head operated on. Police officer Blumstein needed medical attention, too. Fifteen were arrested but released on bond. When the contretemps ended, hundreds of labor youth movement members marched in formation through the streets of downtown Haifa singing a workers' march, “Kadima HaPoel”.  

The immediate result was that the Betarim and Revisionists gained much sympathy within the parties and non-socialist parties. The Vaad Haleumi established an inquiry commission. At the Mapai Central Committee convened on October 21, 1934, Golda Meyerson (later Meir) declared: "How could our people sing that night in Haifa?! The youngsters who participated in the action should at least have been ashamed and not flaunted their 'victory'…to organize 1500 people in order to throw eighty Revisionists out of a closed meeting, that's not brave."

Many more Mapai leaders recalled the view of Berl Katznelson who earlier had identified Mapai’s problem of Mapai as the looming "fascisization of the labor movement".

Despite the gain, the Revisionists and the Betar members lost a larger battle. Ben-Gurion's talks with and tentative agreements with Jabotinsky in London mediated by Pinhas Rutenberg during 16 meetings that were held over a period of a month in 1934, first broached in mid-August, were put to the test in a vote of authorization by the members of a special Histadrut convention on March 24, 1935. Those who opposed inner Zionist peace numbered 11,522 and those who sought to continue the exclusionary and discriminatory policies garnered 16,474 votes.

The socialist camp’s willingness to justify violence against its ideological rivals stemmed from the European tradition of the working-class who believed employing force to ensure the right to work, on the one hand, and, on the other, identifying Revisionism with fascism on the background of events in Berlin, Rome and more recently, Vienna.

When that formula took hold, the next logical step was to assume it was quite legitimate for workers to attack them even as they were of the same economic class. In later years, the Yishuv would witness the Saison campaign to hunt down members of the dissident undergrounds and the Altalena Affair. The poison that temporarily reached a crescendo in Haifa has seemingly continued its nefarious influence as we witnessed the crashing of a Likud assembly in Raanana on September 4 and the daubing of the Bet Jabotinsky in red this past weekend in Tel Aviv.

Among other sources, including the press at the time, I note Anita Shapira's article, "The debate in Mapai on the use of violence, 1932–1935", in Studies in Zionism, 1981.


Some newspaper articles and a photograph of Wolfgang-Ze'ev von Weisel












"The Red Pogrom in Haifa"

Sunday, November 05, 2023

Arguing in the London Times over Jabotinsky's "Iron Wall"

On November 2 my response letter was published in the London Times:


The letter to which I replied is here:


Ze'ev Jabotinsky's article, The Iron Wall, translated into English,
is here.


Toward the end of the article Jabotinsky went to some length to dispel any impression his analysis might have given that he despaired of the prospect of reaching an agreement with the Arabs of Palestine:

I do not mean to assert that no agreement whatever is possible with the Arabs of the Land of Israel. But a voluntary agreement is just not possible. As long as the Arabs preserve a gleam of hope that they will succeed in getting rid of us, nothing in the world can cause them to relinquish this hope, precisely because they are not a rabble but a living people. And a living people will be ready to yield on such fateful issues only when they have given up all hope of getting rid of alien settlers. Only then will extremist groups with their slogans "No, never" lose their influence, and only then will their influence be transferred to more moderate groups. And only then will the moderates offer suggestions for compromise. Then only will they begin bargaining with us on practical matters, such as guarantees against pushing them out, and equality of civil and national rights.

The article concluded with a profession of faith that peaceful coexistence between Arabs and Jews in Palestine would be possible, but only as a result of the construction of an impregnable wall:

It is my hope and belief that we will then offer them guarantees that will satisfy them and that both peoples will live in peace as good neighbors. But the sole way to such an agreement is through the iron wall, that is to say, the establishment in Palestine of a force that will in no way be influenced by Arab pressure. In other words, the only way to achieve a settlement in the future is total avoidance of all attempts to arrive at a settlement in the present.
Moderate Zionists criticized the article, especially on the grounds that it was written from an immoral standpoint. Jabotinsky therefore wrote a second article, entitled "The Morality of the Iron Wall," in which he turned the tables on his critics. From the point of view of morality, he held, there were two possibilities: either Zionism was a positive phenomenon, or it was negative. This question required an answer before one became a Zionist. And all of them had indeed concluded that Zionism was a positive force, a moral movement with justice on its side. Now, "if the cause is just, justice must triumph, without regard to the assent or dissent of anyone else."

^

Sunday, October 29, 2023

Was 'Palestine' Actually Syria?

Let's check on that way back when:

"In 1917, Ramallah-born New York surgeon, Fuad Isa Shatara, and N.A. Katibah founded the Palestine Antizionism Society. It was among the organizers of an anti-Zionist rally on November 8, 1918 in Brooklyn. Besides the two founders, the young Lebanese Orientalist Philip Khoury Hitti made an appearance as a speaker at the event. The rally passed a resolution, describing the Arabs at risk of being dominated by “a race rendered more powerful and wealthy through contact with the western civilization thus applying might against right” and protesting the “artificial importation of Zionists flooding the country against its natural capacities and thus forcing an emigration of the rightful inhabitants.”227 Thus, by 1918, the anti-Zionist Arab-American movement had already found both its central arguments and its leaders. Rihani, Hitti and Shatara would shape the movement over the next two decades. The Arab Americans worked to influence the State  Department and other influential elements of the foreign policy strata. Fuad Shatara of the Palestine Antizionism Society wrote two letters to Secretary of State Robert Lansing in November 1918 and February 1919, arguing that Zionism was in contravention to Wilson’s Fourteen Points.228 In December 1918, Hitti and George Khairalla established the New Syria National League. The group lobbied for the establishment of a Greater Syria under American protection, reaching from the Sinai to the Euphrates.229 These groups intensified their activities in light of the upcoming peace conference in Paris. Shatara and Hitti reached out to John Huston Finley, the chief of the Red Cross Commission in Palestine, asking Finley not to detach Palestine from Greater Syria.230 During the conference, Hitti’s New Syria National League also sent a telegram to Wilson, Lloyd George and Clemenceau advocating an American protectorate over Syria. 231"          

227 “Untitled,” New York Times, November 9, 1917; cited in Davidson, “Debating Palestine,” 230; see also Knee, “The King-Crane Commission of 1919,” 204. 228 Davidson, “Debating Palestine,” 231. 229 The Formation of Modern Iraq and Syria (Routledge, 2013), 147. 230 Knee, The Concept of Zionist Dissent in the American Mind, 1917-1941, 205. 231 The Formation of Modern Iraq and Syria, 147.

From this thesis.

^

Tuesday, October 03, 2023

A Pro-Israel Question at a State Department Presser (UPDATED)

 A rarety.

A pro-Israel question at a State Department Presser:

QUESTION:  Okay.  In light – thanks, Matt.  In light of UNRWA donors’ – that’s a UN agency – recent meetings at the UN, will the U.S. ask the UN to inspect and disarm UNRWA refugee camps that have become well-equipped arsenals?  And I have a follow-up question. 

MR MILLER:  Do you mean – where particularly do you mean? 

QUESTION:  In the Middle East. 

MR MILLER:  In the Middle – yeah. 

QUESTION:  In the Middle East. 

QUESTION:  UN Relief and Works Agency.

QUESTION:  Okay, so regarding Israel — 

MR MILLER:  I was – I wanted to get a little more specific. 

QUESTION:  — and the Palestinian idea.  But the UNRWA issue, so — 

MR MILLER:  So I will say that, as we have said before, we have long recognized Israel’s right to defend itself and take actions to secure its territory. 

QUESTION:  Okay.  The follow-up to that is:  Will the U.S. challenge the official Palestinian school curriculum, which rejects the two-state solution by teaching the next generation to reject any recognition of Israel?  

MR MILLER:  So, I will say that we support the two-state solution.  You’ve seen me asked about that on a number of occasions.  That will continue to be our policy, and that will be our policy as it pertains to anyone on either side of this longstanding conflict who wants to take a different position. 

QUESTION:  What about those well-equipped arsenals and the concerns that Israel has that are happening – that are occurring in the UN agency UNRWA camps? 

MR MILLER:  Again, as I’ve said, we support Israel’s right to secure its nation.

Who was the journalist?*


*

The journalist is Dr. Anthony Harper of InterMountain Christian News

^

Thursday, September 21, 2023

Marking the Centenary of Berlin's Scheunenviertel Pogrom

 It was, as claimed, the first pogrom in Berlin.

It took place in the Scheunenviertel (Barn) quarter in the first week of November 1923. It was termed the "Ostjudenpogrom". The area is today, less than one-half square mile, is now Berlin's Mitte district, not far from the historic city center, north of the city wall between Hackescher Markt and today's Rosa-Luxemburg-Platz.

Earlier in 1923:

the Berlin police chief Wilhelm Richter ordered a large-scale raid against the Jewish population in the Scheunenviertel, during which around 300 Jewish men [eventually to reach some 1500], women and children were picked up by the police and interned in a “Jewish camp” near Zossen, a chilling precursor to what would happen over the next 20 years.

That referred to

popular violence against Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe during the Weimar Republic, their incarceration in camps in Pomerania and Bavaria during the early 1920s

Specifically,  the so-called Bavarian “Ostjuden Deportation” of October 1923 when Gustav Ritter von Kahr was appointed by Bavarian President Eugen von Knilling (BVP) as state commissioner general (Generalstaatskommissar) with dictatorial powers under Article 64 of the Bamberg (Bavarian) Constitution. Kahr refused to ban the Nazi Party newspaper Völkischer Beobachter, on 29 September he suspended the enforcement in Bavaria of the Law for the Protection of the Republic and in mid-October, Kahr had several hundred Jewish families who had immigrated from Eastern Europe decades earlier expelled from Bavaria (See: "The Expulsion of Jews with Polish Citizenship from Bavaria in 1923, Józef Adelson, POLIN, 2008). 

As reported in the JTA on Ocotober 29, 

Two hundred Jewish families have already been expelled from Bavaria and as many are awaiting deportation... including Jews who, while not subjects of the Bavarian State, are citizens of the Reich...A number of East-European Jews from Austria are also among the evicted. The houses owned by the deportees have been requisitioned for the alleged purpose of housing the refugees from the Ruhr district...The Voelkishe Beabachter, organ of Adolph Hitler, disregarding the Jews’ plea, continues the publication of the names of Jews not yet expelled, demanding the confiscation of their property as well as of those already deported.

Moreover, "an order has been issued by Dictator von Kahr to the Jews expelled from Bavaria, that their property must not be removed from the country. Jewish business men and manufacturers have received orders from the police authorities that the machinery and equipment of their factories as well as their products must remain in Bavaria, and their factories must be conducted in their absence by managers appointed for the purpose." 

The event went international at the end of November when

Foreign Minister Roman Dmowski of Poland has addressed a new note to Bavaria protesting the expulsions from Bavaria of Jews who are Polish citizens...the deportations are contrary to international law as well as the common principles of humanity. In conclusion, M. Dmowski threatens to order the deportation of German citizens on Polish soil if the expulsions of Polish citizens are continued.

Austria and Spain became involved.

To return to the events of the Berlin pogrom:

Jews of Berlin Attacked by Mob of 30,000  November 6, 1923

"...a mob of 30,000 stronge invaded the Jewish sections of the city and carried out the first pogrom in the history of Berlin. Anti-Jewish riots commencing in the afternoon in Grenadierstrasse, and Dragonerstrasse, inhabited largely by East-European Jews, 


spread by the evening to all quarters of the city housing Jewish residents...No Jew was safe on Berlin streets yesterday and it is too early to say that greater security prevails today. Jewish passers by were stopped at every turn, were searched, maltreated, robbed of their possessions and stripped of their clothes, some being left only in their undergarments. Homes of Jews were searched for food and money, owners offering the least resistance being severely beaten.

Shops owned by Jews were plundered of their contents which were hurled through the windows smashed by the hooligans in order to gain entrance. Jewish tenement dwellers were dragged from their beds and driven to the streets in their night clothes.

...That the anti-Jewish riots were premeditated and well-organized is shown by the fact that on a given signal the plundering and mobbing would begin, and at a sign from a specially organized corp the anti-Jewish excesses would end.

...The Tageblatt and the Local Anzeiger remark it is significant that the mob attack was not sporadic, but broke out simultaneously in the Muezastrasse, Gormmanstrasse, Linienstrasse, Grenadierstrasse, Dragonerstrasse. Lilienstrasse, where many residences and practically all shops were systematically plundered, the wares being distributed among the waiting crowd. Especially in the clothing and piece-goods district were the wares seized and cut up to be carried away by the rioters...Herr Kopf, manager of the “Central Association of German Citizens of Jewish Faith” received several blows from a black-jack as he was caught in a crowd swarming towards the Boerse and shouting “Death to Jews”.

Reports {as referenced in Dunker, Der Reichsbund judischer Frontsoldaten 1919-1938: Geschichte eines judischen Abwehrvereins, 53; "Der Bund judischer Frontsoldaten vor Gericht," Judische Rundschau, no. 40 (1924)}  noted

While the police had not arrived members of the Reichsbund Judischer Frontsoldaten (Jewish Veteran Association) assembled at the Jewish community centre on the nearby Rosenstrasse. Cadres of members, some of which were armed with pistols and rubber truncheons were formed and began patrolling the area, guarding synagogues and defending local Jews against the looters. On Bulowplatz, the Reichsbund cadres clashed with a group of some hundred rioters. In this situation, the veterans seek support from a passing by police patrol that refuses and leaves the area. In the following melee, a shot rang out fatally wounding a rioter.

The failure of the Munich Beer Hall Putsch in Bavaria did not deter the authorities there from halting the earlier deportations.

A precursor to the atmosphere which allowed Hitler to commence the Holocaust.

^

Thursday, August 10, 2023

Timeline of the Crisis

Taking an idea from Yishai Friedman of Shvi'i, here is a contribution to understanding how we in Israel got to where we are in the summer of 2023:

Timeline

1980 Aharon Barak, appointed as a Supreme Court Justice in 1978, employs for the first time the Reasonableness Standard that would justify a governmental institution decision

1986 Ressler case and Barak devoted twenty-five pages to the issue of justiciability and delineated two classic categories of justiciability, normative and institutional. By doing away with institutional non-justiciability, Barak challenges the common conception of the separation of powers.

1992 In March, the Knesset passes two basic laws aimed at protecting human rights: Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation and Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Both those basic laws contain a “limitation clause”: “One is not to violate the rights in accordance to this Basic Law save by means of a law that corresponds to the values of the state of Israel”. Pre-1992 legislation was shielded from constitutionality review.  Criticism maintained that the 1992 basic laws did not really authorize the Court to strike down legislation as this was allegedly not the legislative intent and because the laws were adopted were not sufficient to afford them with constitutional status superior to ordinary legislation. (For instance, Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty was supported by 32 members of the Knesset, and 21 members opposed it—most members did not vote. Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation was adopted by 21 members without opposition.) Moreover, the review involves value judgments and those should be decided by democratically elected representatives and not unaccountable judges.

1995 Barak, then president of the Supreme Court, announced that a constitutional revolution, a phrase he coined, was taking place in Israel based on his own interpretation of the Basic Laws enacted by the Knesset in 1992 as having the force of a constitution. Since then the Supreme Court has struck down 22 laws that were enacted by the Knesset. It intervened in decisions of the Israeli security agencies and even invalidated administrative decisions of the Israeli government and its ministers.  All this was done without any legal basis; that is, without the consent of the Knesset, which is solely invested with the power to draft and adopt a constitution.

November 9, 1995 the landmark case United Mizrahi Bank v. Migdal when the Supreme Court declared that basic laws are superior to regular laws and declared it may strike down Knesset statutes that are incompatible with the terms of the limitation clauses in the two basic laws from 1992. It would do so based on an evaluation process consisting of three main stages: if there is an infringement of a constitutionally protected right with an expansive interpretation of constitutional rights necessary for a dignified existence. If a protected right has been infringed, the second stage is whether the infringement was grounded in legislation that corresponds to the values of the state of Israel (defined in the two basic laws from 1992 as Jewish and Democratic) and serves an appropriate purpose. The third stage is the “proportionality” stage, i.e., if the harm to constitutional rights does not outweigh the social gains achieved by the reviewed law. If the harm clearly exceeds the gains, the law will be invalidated.

February 14, 1999 an estimated 350,000 Haredi demonstrators called on the justices not to interfere in matters of religion.

2015 Elections. Seven months later, investigation of Gidi Wetz on Netanyahu's influence on Walla! News site. It will develop into Case 4000 (see below). In August, demonstrations against the gas deal led by Orly Bar-Lev, Gonen Ben-Yitzhak and others.

2016 Police open investigations into Case 1000 (benefits from Milchen and Parker); Case 2000 (Netanyahu and Noni Mozes of Yedioth Ahronot); and Case 3000 (the submarine affair). Attorney-General Avicahi Mandleblit was under pressure of weekly demos at his Petah Tikva house to authorize, as per law, investigations of a sitting Prime Minister.

June 2017 Case 4000 (Eluvitz and Netanyahu charged for favorable financial terms for Bezeq purchase, in essence, bribery). Later that year, the "Balfour Protest" erupts. August Ari Harow turns state's witness after incarceration. September Supreme Court annuls, again, amended Mobilization Law.

2018 Shlomo Filber, former Director-General of the Telecommunications Ministry turns state's witness after incarceration. Avigdor Lieberman leaves the coalition. Yair Lapid refuses to vote for an additional Mobilization Law.

2019 April – Knesset elections. September – second round of elections. November 21 – Attorney-General Avichai Mandelblit charges Netanyahu with behavior of briberyfraud, and breach of trust.

2020 – March – elections for 23rd Knesset. Unity government formed. "Black Flags" demonstrations begin led by siblings Yarden, Shikma (Bressler) and Eyal Schwartzman.

October - Amit Segal leaks tape of Attorney-General Mandelblit implying he was being blackmailed to tailor a case against Netanyahu thus feeding supporting an unsubstantiated conspiracy theory that the attorney general had been blackmailed by the State Attorney Shai Nitzan. Government fails to pass the budget, Netanyahu rather than passing premiership to Gantz calls for elections.

2021 – March 23 elections held but only in late May was a coalition formed when Netanyahu failed and then Bennett's Yamina joined with Bennett, with 6 seats, becoming first of a new prime minister rotation agreement. In May, Arab-Jewish mixed-city riots broke out. Black Flags demos halt whereas rightwing demonstrators pressure Yamina MKs.

2022 – April 6 MK Idit Silman resigns leading to elections which took place on November 1, the fifth round in four years. According to the rotation agreement, upon the dissolution of the Knesset, Yair Lapid became Prime Minister on July 1. The new coalition was represented by 64 MKs. In December, opponents of the new coalition began to meet to plan grassroots campaign of demonstrations.

2023 – January 3 – Yariv Levin, Justice Minister, announces elements of a judicial reform legislation. January 14 – protests begin.