Showing posts with label Gush Emunim. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gush Emunim. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 02, 2014

Before Gush Emunim, There Was HaShomer HaTzair

On February 14, 1947, the HaShomer HaTzair movement founded its new kibbutz, Revadim, in Gush Etzion and at the founding ceremony a declaration was read out:


The Declaration reads, in part:

Listen O Nahalin!  Listen to the voices of your sons!  We have come unto you this day, to find in you a homeland, and a home.  At a time when from our shores just last night, persecuted brothers were expelled when but on the previous day hundreds of hands knocked on your gates.  Hundreds of eyes sought you out and hundreds of hearts were broken at your beaches.

You shall see the land from afar  --- that is the edict of the alienated regime.  From afar you shall come but you will not enter it.

Expulsions and strangling edicts will not overcome us.  A persecuted nation will find its way despite all obstructions that are put up to block it.  A nation requires a homeland.  The desolation of this country can only be cultivated by our hands for this is the mighty power that has stood by us.

Nahlin, receive us to your bosom as a mother for unto you we have returned, your sons.  To find in you a homeland and home...

^

Monday, March 05, 2012

World War I Photographs ands Stories of Samaria

Photographs from the Australian Calvary Campaign * in Samaria in 1918:


A wadi in Samaria


Just outside of Shchem


Jenin


and the Mas'udiyeh Railway station, the site of the first attempt in Samaria to establish Elon Moreh (read Chapter 2 here).

On the Battle of Turmos Aya, nearby Shiloh.  Here's from a research effort:

...the 12th March 1918, when the 1/4th Battalion [of the Northamptonshire Regiment] was in a major action at El Mezeirah Ridge, named 'Operation Wadi Deir Ballut'; part of the 'Actions of Mount Tell Asur (to the Turks 'The Battle of Turmus Aya). Here again the Turks were repulsed.

And a second description:

During the next night the 53rd Division made a substantial advance, and by 9 o'clock on the morning of March 11 had crossed the wadi Kola and had established themselves 3000 yards north of it. The 231st Brigade still advancing on the eastern side of the Nablus road had to face desperately bad country in the darkness of the night, and their trials were increased by heavy rain and sticky ground. Nevertheless they managed to get to the tomb of Sheikh Salim, not far from the 53rd Division's advanced post, by 11 o'clock. It was not possible for the 230th Brigade to move, and only
after extraordinary exertions were they able to send
rations to the men in the line. The 231st Brigade could not drive its attack right home to its objective because the position of the 53rd Division left the right flank open, but about midday the brigade gained touch with the 230th Brigade and began an advance on Turmus Aya, a little village almost
abreast of Sinjil. On the flat surrounding Turmus Aya there was no cover and our line had to be withdrawn slightly. When the 230th Brigade got on the move it made a rapid advance, and, though under continuous shell fire, won the ridge overlooking Sinjil from the west, compelling the Turks to abandon that place. The 10th and 74tli Divisions were ordered to consolidate the positions gained, the 53rd Division pushing forward again during the night and reaching
all their objectives by the morning of the 12th with the exception of Amurieh. We held these positions for months afterwards and there never was a fear that the enemy could break through them.

Landscape of Ein-Sinyeh and Yabroud:-



________

*

The Middle East campaign began in 1916 with Australian troops participating in the defence of the Suez Canal and the allied reconquest of the Sinai peninsula. In the following year Australian and other allied troops advanced into Palestine and captured Gaza and Jerusalem; by 1918 they had occupied Lebanon and Syria. On 30 October 1918 Turkey sued for peace.

Here, p. 13, is one soldier's list of battles in the area:

8 December 1917 - Battle of Jerusalem
9 December 1917 - Beit Iksa
15 December 1917 - Beit Hanina
21 December 1917 - Wadi Moya
27 December 1917 - Beit Izza
29 December 1917 - Ram Allah capured (now West Bank of Israel)
3 January 1918 - Beit Izza
5 January 1918 - Beit Likia
9 January 1918 - Beit Sira
18 February 1918 - Kurbeha Ibn Harith
4 March 1918 - Balua Lake (near Ram Allah)
9-12 March 1918 - Advanced towards Nablus (Yebrud and Burj Badawile occupied)
13-26 March 1918 - Turmus Aya outpost line
7 April 1918 - Burj Badawile (leaving Palestine)
8 April 1918 - Near Beitunia (Leaving Palastine)
9 April 1918 - Beit Sira (marching to leave Palestine)
10 April 1918 - Kubub
11 April 1918 - Sura Fend near Ludd

^

Tuesday, October 04, 2011

Chanan Porat z"l

Between 1981 and 1984, I worked with Chanan three days a week while he was a Member of Knesset for Techiya.  I had worked with him earlier, from 1977, after returning from abroad and becoming part of the Gush Emunim information team as well as involved with other frameworks including Nekuda, the monthly journal of the Yesha Council, and the Midrasha Leumit.

He could quote long lines of Uri Tzvi Greenberg's poetry as well as Talmudic disputes, Halachic literature and chapter of Tanakh.

Here he on the left is at Sebastia 1975, I think:


On the far right in Menachem Begin and next to him, Yehuda Etzion, Zevulon Hammer and Yehuda Ben-Meir, two NRP MKs.

I was present at his 60th birthday party which was an amazing experience, one of learning and even awe.

May his memory be for a blessing.

More pictures here.

Oh, and Ethan Bronner gets it wrong (maybe depending either on Haaretz or Wikipedia in English) - Chanan and Rachel have 11 children (not 4) and 20 grandchildren (not several).

I have been given to understand that it will be corrected.

------------

And it has been corrected:




^

Monday, August 30, 2010

Closer to God or to Gadi?

In In Israel, Settling for Less, Gadi Taub, an assistant professor of communications and public policy at Hebrew University in Jerusalem, the author of “The Settlers”, asks

WILL Israel remain a Zionist state? If so, what kind?


And in order to get the proper answer - or to give it - he sets the framework.

First, he announces that

The secular Zionist dream was fundamentally democratic. Its proponents, from Theodor Herzl to David Ben-Gurion, sought to apply the universal right of self-determination to the Jews, to set them free individually and collectively as a nation within a democratic state.


Of course, when Herzl was forced to renounce the "Uganda" option (actually it was territory in Kenya), he did it not because of self-determination but the concept of Zion and raised his hand to swear by the Psalmist.

He continues:

This dream is now seriously threatened by the religious settlers’ movement, Orthodox Jews whose theological version of Zionism is radically different. Although these religious settlers are relatively few — around 130,000 of the total half-a-million settlers — their actions could spell the end of the Israel we have known.

The roots of the problem have been there from the birth of modern Zionism. The relations between Herzl’s movement and Jewish Orthodoxy were uneasy from the start.

And what did Herzl write:

Our return to the land of our fathers, foretold by Holy Writ...the Promised Land must first be conquered. But let these poor people see that they are already at home...The noted God-given charm of Palestine lay unseen and forgotten for long centuries. Where in the world will you find a country where the springtime is so accessible at all times of the year? Palestine has warm, temperate and cool zones which lie not far apart from each other. God has blessed our land.
Taub continues:

Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook, later focused his father’s theological ideas around a single commandment: to settle all the land promised to the ancient Hebrews in the Bible. His disciples, energized by a burning messianic fervor, took Israel’s victory in the Six-Day War of 1967 as confirmation of this theology and set out to fulfill its commandment. Religious enthusiasm made the movement subversive in a deep sense — adherents believed they had a divine obligation to build settlements and considered the authority of Israel’s democratic government conditional on its acceptance of what they declared to be God’s politics.

Although religious settlers often describe themselves as heirs of the early Zionist pioneers, they are anything but. Herzl’s vision was about liberating people, while theirs is about achieving a mystical reunion between the people of Israel and the land of Israel...
Well, yes, there are differences and we need to ask ourselves, if Herzl were alive today and had been witness to the Arab riots of 1929, 1936-39; the War of Independence; the fedayeen; the PLO; etc. and et al., would he be "Herzlian" or somewhat closer to Gush Emunim? Closer to God or closer to Gadi?

Taub's last try at turning Zionism on its head:

The religious settlement movement is not just secular Zionism’s ideological adversary, it is a danger to its very existence. Terrorism is a hazard, but it cannot destroy Herzl’s Zionist vision. More settlements and continued occupation can.

People who actually kill Jews, people who subvert Israel's legitimacy, who practice boycott, and a host of other indelicacies are not as bad as religious nationalists.

And he gets to write in the New York Times.


(Hat tip: BT and also O)



- - -

Monday, August 03, 2009

Anybody Read This Book?

This book;

Settling in the Hearts: Jewish Fundamentalism in the Occupied Territories





It's by Michael Feige who is a sociologist, anthropologist, and senior lecturer in the Israel Studies program at the Ben-Gurion Research Center at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.

A blurb description:

This title describes and examines the attempts of Gush Emunim, a religious nationalistic social movement, to construct Israeli identity, collective memory, and sense of place. Gush Emunim traces its roots to the 1967 Six Day War and the development of a Greater Israel ideology, which sought to maintain Israeli control of the West Bank and other newly acquired territories.

The fundamentalist religious movement became a political force by constructing settlements within contested territory and is one of the key players in the Israeli - Palestinian conflict. In "Settling in the Hearts", Michael Feige analyzes the success of Gush Emunim through an examination of its ideology, practices, and symbolic construction of space and time. He argues that by constructing the meaning of contested territories as a national homeland, the ideological settlers attempt to redefine Zionism, Israel, and Judaism.

In the first section of this volume, Feige explores how the Gush Emunim settlers reinterpret Jewish history, secular Zionist ideology, religious faith, and the Bible to discern the settlers' attitudes toward the Jewish exile experience. Feige identifies the crucial principles at work in the settlers' attempts to appropriate land, particularly in their use of collective memory, referring both to ancient times and to more contemporary events. In the second section, he presents fascinating case studies of Jewish settlements that Gush Emunim built beyond the green lines, in important symbolic centers such as Hebron, Ofra, and Gush.

The concluding section analyzes the contemporary changes, conflicts, and crises that have affected Gush Emunim in the last year. "Settling in the Hearts" is based on a variety of qualitative sources, including interviews, participant observation, settlers' publications, and visual documents. Its novel way of understanding one of the most crucial factors affecting Israeli society and the Israeli - Palestinian conflict will be of interest to Israeli and Middle Eastern studies scholars and readers wanting to learn more about the complex dynamics of politics in the Middle East.


Contents:

Introduction
History Sociology and Theology
Space Place and Memory in Gush Emunim Ideology
What Is a Settlement? Presence Images and Aesthetics
Studying the Land
The Palestinians in the Settlers Worldview
Terrorism and Its Effects
Fathers Sons and Sacrifice
Gush Etzion and the Decline of Secular Zionist Mythology
Ritualizing Normalcy
The Evacuation of Sinai
The Case of Rechalim
The Emergence of the Biblical Sabra
Gush Emunim in Times of Crisis
Historical Time Line
Notes
References
Index

Monday, October 15, 2007

Almost Balanced Book Review

BT sent me this review of the polemic of Akiva Eldar and Idit Zartal penned by Adam LeBor, "LORDS OF THE LAND" in which he writes:

This may be an angry, embittered book, but the two authors are well-informed experts. Zertal is a noted Israeli historian, who now teaches at the University of Basel, and Eldar is an influential columnist for the left-wing daily, Ha’aretz. [and they are ideolgocially opposed to the book's subject with no objectivity]

“Lords of the Land” is richly detailed. Nonetheless, it would have benefited from wider context and discussion. There is a case for the defense, not made here. Are the settlements an inevitable consequence of Zionism, for example, or an aberration, spawned by the specific circumstances of 1967? Or something of both? Israel then was a long way from being today’s military powerhouse. It fought a war for survival in which victory was not assured: mass graves were prepared in public parks; hotels were turned into first-aid stations. Post-1967 triumphalism may have had tragic consequences, but it was probably also inevitable. Any state surrounded by enemies will seek strategic depth.

It is also curious, especially considering the authors’ leftist perspective, that the Palestinians barely feature in their book, other than as passive victims of rapacious Zionist settlers and expansionist Israeli governments. The Palestinians have been greatly wronged, but they have also had choices available to them and too often chose badly. Land grab aside, the security fence was built after a spate of barbarous suicide bombings and continues to prevent further attacks. When Yassir Arafat rejected Ehud Barak’s offer at Camp David in 2000 he turned down what was probably the best chance of meaningful statehood.

Indeed, the entire history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is one of missed opportunities...