What does she teach that is post-Zionist?
In the past, in a discussion over the behavior of IDF soldiers charged with preventing illegal entry of Eriteans, she called the soldeirs Judeo-Nazis.
In her latest translated op-ed, she writes:
Hamas is not a terror organization, but a state in the makingOp-ed: Whether we like it or not, Hamas is slowly but surely establishing itself with a disciplined army of paid soldiers, an education system saturated with incitement, and state institutions. And it has an unequivocal ideology that refuses to go away, just like the Jewish settlement of 1947.The post-Zionism is not in her wrong description, or insufficiently intellectuyally honest description. It's in the "just like" phrase. That's the hint.
we failed to understand the deep despair that is the very basis of Islamic fundamentalism, or the ideology that sanctifies a bloody dream over human life, the willingness to suffer lengthy periods of shortage and a hard siege for faith, and the choice of the promised future in paradise over the future you could build with your own two hands in this world.but she simply wants to see another reality so that Israel should yield and surrender to it enemies:-
Hamas is not a terror organization. It is a well-disciplined army of paid soldiers. It's an education system saturated with incitement. It is hospitals and police, creches and manufacturing, tunnels and parks, prisons and government. It has a military wing and a political wing and they're incredibly coordinated. No targeted assassination so far has been able to put a dent in Hamas' determination or in its ability to hurt us as it sees fit. Whether we like it or not, it is a state coming into being, or at least a part of one,What she ignores is what this portends:
it has an unequivocal ideology that refuses to go awayShe assumes that it indeed will go away if we give in, and negotiate with Hamas, reconize it and ignore that it wants, desires and acts toward the goal of we Jews going away.
From debates concerning the Temple Mount in Jerusalem to the 1967 Six Day War’s titular reference to the days of creation, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has often been made to resonate with biblical images and language.
to frame the debate in terms of biblical descriptions of child sacrifice is unhelpful. In one passage, Wiesel creates a three-way comparison between Hamas, the child-sacrificing Moloch-worshippers of the Hebrew Bible, and the mass-murder of Jewish children during the Holocaust.
interesting interface between [the Monty Python film] Life of Brian and historical scholarship on the period, consideration of such debates in late Second Temple Judaism also highlights in more general terms how unstable concepts of blasphemy can be during times of social upheaval.
His central premise in any case goes unargued. He presents it here:
“Rather than seeing Hamas fighters as human beings driven by varying mixtures of rage, desperation and extremist ideology, they become players in an ongoing battle between good and evil that is epic in scope and primordial in origin.”
And that’s bad why? Tollerton doesn’t say. He merely avers that Wiesel’s approach for drawing analogies and framing moral lessons “provides little insight into messy realities.” A complete dodge.
How about this: Hamas fighters, as morally responsible human beings, should give up rage, desperation, and extremism and get a job. Argue against that, Tollerton.
...Einat Wilf, one of the four Labor members of Parliament who joined Mr. Barak in the Independence faction...said in a telephone interview that the new government arrangement would send a signal to the Palestinians that there was little point in waiting for the Netanyahu government to fall apart.
“I don’t belong to the camp that believes Israel is solely responsible for the failure of these negotiations,” Ms. Wilf said. 'The Palestinians bear responsibility for not entering the talks. Some people have sent them a message to wait around for a new government.'
Mr. Barak and his four colleagues said in a statement announcing the formation of their new movement...'We also did not accept the self-flagellation of those who see the State of Israel as exclusively responsible for the lack of a diplomatic process.'

...the post-Zionist era, has come to an end. The historical debate between Zionists and anti-Zionists hasn't changed, but it is no longer possible to hide behind claims of a Zionist conspiracy to expel Israel's Arabs and ethnic cleansing of the area west of the Jordan River. It seems that a group of historians, who actually did not offer any new insights into Zionist historiography, hid behind a fictitious structure of post-modernist realizations that became a system for distorting proofs and rewriting facts.
...More than anyone else, Morris provided the historical sources for the argument that the State of Israel was born as a result of a conspiracy to carry out the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians. His books and articles provided the basis for an indictment of the State of Israel, something that helped the Palestinian and Arab leadership reject all peace efforts right after the Oslo Accords, at Camp David in 2000 and in discussions of Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's peace proposal in 2008.
The narrative built by the New Historians changed the parameters of political negotiations: A peace agreement is not meant to correct the 1967 "occupation" and create a framework for territories in exchange for peace, but to atone for the atrocities of the nakba. It became apparent to all that the main obstacle is the problem of the right of return to all parts of the State of Israel.
...suddenly, 20 years later, Morris discovered that the Arabs had declared a jihad against Zionism already back in 1948. He explains his new approach as stemming from the opening of archives, including the Israel Defense Forces' archive, which were closed to researchers until now. He also adds that "in the current book, I placed the refugee problem within the overall context of the War of Independence," and with the help of recent studies, "I tried to present a new and comprehensive description of the war, and primarily of the connections between the military processes and the diplomatic processes."
"A new description"? The exact opposite, in fact...The dismissal of the threats of jihad was intentional and critical for the rewriting in order to turn the nakba into a "holocaust", but the jihad was apparent to all: threats of annihilation were heard from all sides and even from the dais of the UN in 1947 and 1948.
The mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin Al-Husseini repeated it over and over again; and religious scholars in Cairo issued an official manifesto calling for jihad two days after the resolution on the partition plan was passed on November 1947...


...But what then is a full exile? A full exile is when the connection between the land and the people is forgotten. If there is no memory of prior ownership, no longing to return, no stories told to children, then the exile brought about by an enemy nation which wished to impose a disconnect between the people and its land comes into full effect. If the very fact that the nation has been exiled is forgotten, then that is true exile.
The idea that the loss of collective national memory brings true exile has a surprising corollary: a nation can be in a state of exile even while living on its original soil! Like a person suffering from amnesia while sitting in his own house – a nation may be so utterly without memory that it has no idea that it is at home.
Such is the case in Israel today. The memory that has been carried in our collective conscience for two thousand years has steadily worn away and no longer serves to keep the exile at bay...
...As we have noted, physical exile is one thing, but cerebral exile, the cutting off of memory is the final guillotine of exile. Here, the groundwork for forced forgetting has been in the works for decades. On the one hand, the Jewish people's historical connection to the land has been systematically un-taught. In schools, many Jewish children learn to hate the Bible, learn a revisionist anti-Zionist history, and are simply never taught the stories and the emotional connection to places like Rachel's Tomb. On the other hand, a new milieu and accompanying lingo fill the void left in the young mind: Occupation, Palestine, Peace, and Post-Zionism. Our history and with it, our emotional connection to our land, is being erased.
...Today, those who still teach and preach a connection with these places are branded extremists, so their message makes little sense to our people. Say the word "Hebron" to a young disconnected Israeli and he will only conjure up an occupied Arab city with a few cantankerous crazy Jews who cause all the problems. The majesty of Hebron's history from Abraham to King David to the first Hasidic settlement of 18th century, to the murderous Arab riots of 1929, to the valiant return in 1967, is completely lost on him. It is no wonder then that for him it makes sense to "give it back" since nothing seems to tie us to these places in the first place.
Today's post–Zionist leaders have made Israel into a State of Exile, exiling our people from their homes, exiling our land by cutting it off and giving it away, and exiling the minds and hearts of the Jewish people by teaching them to forget. After waiting for two thousand years to return, Jews are being taught that Hebron isn't Jewish, that Bethlehem isn't Jewish, that Nablus isn't Jewish, that the Temple Mount isn't Jewish. A methodical exile is taking place, the exile of place and the exile of mind.
The Paper’s main argument would be that Israel is controlling the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) by systematically dismantling the relation between space and time, or, in other words, by disassembling the correlation between spatial absolute value and usage value.
Absolute value is what can be measured in uniform distance units, which are, basically, indifferent to the occurrences in the measured space: for example, aerial
distance between two points. Usage value, in contrast, deals with spatial actual usage possibilities. If between two points stands impassable wall, no matter what is the absolute distance from one to another, the actual distance, considering the usage value, would be infinite. Spatial usage value always embodies time in it. Paving road between two points does not change the distance in kilometers, but shortens drastically the actual distance between them. In the same manner, blocking road lengthens the actual distance by containing time postponement within it.
I will attempt to analyze few basic modes of spatial control (i.e. clear sites in which space itself takes major part in control shaping), which are used for describing Israel’s control mode in the OPT: prison, ghetto, siege, camp and “movement policing”. The comparison would be done by spatial analysis tools, putting emphasis on relations between inside and outside, opacity and permeability,
characteristics and locations of supervision points and the visibility relations (what is been watched, where from, where to and why). The analysis would show that although having few similarities among each of the mentioned models none of them fully describes the situation in the OPT, which can be understood only by referring to what I would like to call “technologies of spatial uncertainty”.
The Judicial Appointments Committee (JAC) will conduct first-ever hearings this week for all 12 candidates for the High Court bench, during which candidates will have to state their judicial worldview, and will be asked questions such as their stand on the Law of Return or post-Zionism.
Committee members are divided over the extent of the hearing, and whether candidates should be required to state their views on judicial activism and other issues.
Some panel members plan to ask the candidates questions on the extent of interference the candidate believes is acceptable in security issues other semi-political questions. Other committee members who are judges oppose a "too invasive" hearing of the type accepted in the United States for candidates for the Supreme Court.
Zionism is the only ideology spawned in the heyday of European imperialism 3 centuries back that has remained immutable.
Subject:Israel's right to be racist
Sent: 22 March 2007 19:08:14
Well I take issue with the erstwhile correspondents. Zionism is the only ideology spawned in the heyday of European imperialism 3 centuries back that has remained immutable. And this despite the momentous changes that have occurred in Western thinking in the past 120 years, and in the face of the momentous events that have impacted us Jews - the early C19 pogroms and mass Westward emigration, the HOLOCAUST, the establishment of the Jewish State with a war every decade of its existence, excepting the one decade wherein we engaged in genuine peace efforts. Such is the mother of all Dogmas. And as such, it interprets every event as reinforcing its worldview.
Anyone attempting to rethink Zionism is castigated and pilloried by its adherents, which are most of Israel's Jewish sector, and our instruments of governance and media. Nevertheless, minimum serious consideration reveals it a folklore ideology fit for the kindergarten where we are first fed its tenets, and the grave, to which most of us carry it unchanged, unchallenged, incontrovertible.
The actual concept of a state with a single monolithic ideology to which all its citizens are required to be loyal is extraordinary. Very few such states remain, Israel, Iran and North Korea. The Democratic credentials of all three are looked at askance by the vast majority of people outside those countries, but sincerely, enthusiastically, and with profound conviction believed in by the majority citizenry inside them, professorships notwithstanding.
As to the essence of the debate, I would be grateful if any of you dogmatic Zionists can please explain how a State can constitutionally discriminate in favour of one ethnic group, whilst not discriminating against another, which is what Masad argues using impolite terms.
You are like the parents of Petah Tikva all strongly supported the ingathering of the Jews to our country, and in the same interview explained they did not want Ethiopian Jews in their children's schools, or in their neighborhoods. Oh - also, they insisted they were not racist. That is true-blooded street-level Zionism, robust in both rationale and denial. In our National Narrative it excuses our eviction of the natives, our army's rampage in the occupied territories, and it is epitomized by the Settlers and their war-cries "We are the true Zionists!" and "We are all settlers!". Indeed, amen, there is no denying that, despite the occasional feeble protestations that perhaps that is taking it a bit too far.
That is the legacy, the inherent contradiction, and the logical outcome of Zionism preaching a Jewish state. It was probably a wrenching requirement in the darkest period of our history, buttressed by the mores and rulers of the time, but why, today, we cannot be a Democratic State where the (majority) Jews can have whatever ethnic-religious-community services we require without incessantly oppressing and dispossessing other humans is beyond me. Do we really need Jewish-only soldiers. Jewish-only policemen, Jewish only politicians, Jewish-only electricity workers, Jewish-only lecturers, Jewish-only students, Jewish-preferring laws, Jewish only land
rights, and in addition, command unwavering allegiance to the one, state sanctioned, all-pervading ideology in order for us to live in a country where our children can be decently educated, which is clean and green, where health and social services are equitable and effective, where our future is considered, planned, and invested, where our culture can once more be respected, and which can join the community of nations on an equal footing?
The evidence speaks quite emphatically to the contrary.