The original article was published
at JNS.
Here I have added some details as well as visual materials.
There are
several convincing factors as to why Israel, its supporters – both Jews and
non-Jews – as well as all men and women of reason should be satisfied with the
signing of two arrangements for peaceful relations between Israel and the
United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. One of them is the historical handicap the
conflict between Arabs and the state of Israel and its Zionist character has
been cast for a century.
Indeed, the frame of reference of the “Palestine conflict”
has always been one that includes the entire Muslim world. That world’s
identification with and sympathy for the “plight of Palestine” is now, in a
sense, dissolving.
What was the
historical backdrop to that phenomenon?
“a
Palestine delegation arrived in Mecca to explain to the king [Hussein ibn
Ali] the dangers inherent in the policy of the Jewish National Home. The
British government of Palestine, perturbed at the activities of the delegation,
sent a letter to the Hijaz government refuting its complaints and claiming that
the Arabs in Palestine were faring well and prospering. The Hijaz government
refused to accept this statement and insisted that the Balfour Declaration
should be canceled.” (and see PRO, FO
686/110) for the correspondence)
Already in 1921 we see the theme of the Haram in danger being pushed:
The head of
that 1922 delegation was Abdelqader
Al-Muzaffar (arrested in 1930) who had led previous Haj pilgrimages to Mecca. Its members sailed to Sudan and from there to
Jeddah, arriving on July 11. It established pro-Arab Palestine committees at
all the stops and sought meetings with leading political and religious
personalities. Their theme was “Defend Al-Aqsa”
"Defend Al-Aqsa" Banner on the Wall,
Third Arab Congress, 1920
over which, supposedly, the Zionist flag flew
The 1922 delegation's report
As Doar
Hayom reported on July 23, 1922,
the Zionist Organization in Egypt published a
response to the claims of the delegation in the al-Muqaṭṭam newspaper. It also
dealt with the remarks
of Alfred Mond
as if he proposed in early 1921 during a visit in Jerusalem* an immediate rebuilding of "Solomon's Temple"
remarks also reported in 1922:
LORD MELCHETT (then SIR ALFRED MOND) has declared in public (1922) that the day of the reconstruction of the Temple was very near.
purposely misrepresented
by the Mufti (see below)
and as how Haaretz reports, he was speaking figuratively that the new construction of the reconstituted Jewish national home will replae Solomon's edifice:
as well as the criticism directed at Norman Bentwich, the mandate’s
Jewish legal secretary, who the Mufti considered as being too Zionist as he said "Palestine should be Jewish", as it were. This
propaganda ploy by the Supreme Muslim Council was a repeat of the efforts that
Chaim Weizmann had to counter in Egypt in April 1918, while on his was to
Palestine, when it was asserted that the British had granted the Zionists the
right to replace the Dome of the Rock with the Jewish Temple.

Three days
earlier, the Vaad Leumi in Jerusalem was forced to publish a denial that the
Zionist flag had been unfurled from the top of the Golden Dome, a calumny to be
revived in 1929. Even the local Arabs denied it:
On July 17,
the High Commissioner Herbert Samuel himself declared, as carried in Doar Hayom
of July 19,
that he was forced to address rumors that Omar and Al-Aqsa are in
danger, a charge repeated throughout the years.
and would be removed from Muslim control, unfounded rumors spread by the
delegation that was now in Mecca seeking assistance to “defend Muslim rights”.
Two additional delegations followed the following year, one to the Hijaz again
and another to India. This third on consisted of Jamal Al-Husseini, a Haifa
mufti, Imam Mohamed Rashid Reda, and Sheikh Ibrahim al-Ansari, a Temple Mount
preacher.
They remained in India all during November 1923–June 1924, raised
money and engaged in anti-Zionist activity. Oddly, Nicholas E. Roberts ignores
the 1922 delegation as does Yehoshua
Porath although Porath does include a fourth delegation in 1924. A huge sum
was collected for major renovation work and construction within the Haram
A-Sharif compound.
This charity
was a significant instrument which tied Moslems across the world in a religious
sense to an Arab Palestine as well as acting as a political mobilizing tool.
The
selection of India was astute. As P.R.
Kumaraswamy researched, India was quite able to
recognize and admit the religious dimension of the Palestine question. In April
1921, a year before the Palestine Mandate confirmation at the League of Nations,
Mahatma Gandhi observed: “The Muslim claim Palestine as an integral part of
Jazirat-ul-Arab [the Islamic land of Arabia]. They are bound to retain
its custody, as an injunction of the Prophet” (CWMG, 2000, p. 530). He continued
and argued: “The Jews cannot receive sovereign rights in a place that has
been held for centuries by Muslim powers by right of religious conquest. The Muslim
soldiers did not shed their blood in the last war for the purpose of
surrendering Palestine out of Muslim control.”
In other words, according to Gandhi, the non-Muslims
could not acquire sovereign jurisdiction over Palestine.
The Indian National Congress similarly adopted an
anti-Zionist position at a meeting in Lucknow in June 1921. Its All-India
Congress Committee declared that “unless Jazirat-ul-Arab are freed from all
non-Muslim control, there can be no peace and contentment in India” (Zaidi,
1985, p. 30) and a few years later, the party demanded “the removal of alien
control from the Jazirat-ul-Arab” (Zaidi, 1985, p. 32). The Mufti Haj Amin
El-Husseini met the Ali Brothers during the 1924 and 1926 Hajj pilgrimage (Kupferschmidt,
1987, p. 129), had Muhammad Ali, the head of India’s Muslims, buried in the
Haram wall in January 1931. Shaukat (Shawkat) Ali was a central figure in the
convening of the Jerusalem Conference in December that same year.
Thus, within a decade of being selected by Herbert
Samuel to be the Mufti, El-Husseini had established a firm financial base
throughout the Middle East and beyond, had created a dominant political force
in the Mandate itself which disallowed any dissent from his violent and
extremist line, had forced the British to create a new status quo at the
Western Wall, had initiated the campaign of terror in 1920, 1921 and 1929 that
would, until this day, serve as the sole means of “negotiating” with the Jews
and had formed a support bloc of all the Arab states and countries with Moslem
majorities.
One additional external reliance of the Mufti was the
arrangement in 1937 with British assistance to have their regional Arab allies,
Amir Abdullah of Transjordan, King Ghazi of Iraq, and King Abdul Aziz ibn Saud
of Saudi Arabia, the “Arab Kings”, mediate an end to the revolt the Arab Higher
Committee (AHC) had initiated in April 1936. Unfortunately, their involvement
created serious pressure on Gt. Britain and by 1939, pan-Arab pressure led to
the White paper that reneged on the original intent to reconstitute the Jewish
national home carried increasing weight in London.
In 1948, Arab state invaded Israel and ever since
then, the issue of Palestine has always been regional rather than a local
conflict.
Recalling this history and grasping what the previous
100 years had fashioned, one can realize that the signing of the Abraham
Agreements on the White House Lawn on September 15 with the abrogation of
the boycott against Israel and the pledge “to establish peace, diplomatic and
friendly relations, co-operation and full normalization of ties between them
and their peoples”, is a major reverse of the Mufti’s and Yasser Arafat’s legacy
and an opportunity for a promising future.
_________
On Mond and his remark in the House of Commons:
HC Deb 05 April 1921 vol 140 cc108-9108
§58. Commander BELLAIRS asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the proposal put forward at a meeting of the Palestine Foundation Fund to erect a great temple on the site of the Temple of Solomon; whether he is aware that the site is now occupied by the Mosque of Omar; and whether, in view of the difficulties which such proposals cause to the Mandatory Powers, he will state that in no circumstances will Mohammedan institutions be interfered with?
§Mr. AMERY My attention has been drawn to a passage in a speech delivered by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health [Alfred Mond], to which the hon. and gallant Member apparently alludes. I think it is clear that my right hon Friend was speaking figuratively and did not intend so literal an interpretation to be given to his words. In any case, I would draw attention to Article 13 of the draft Mandate for Palestine, which clearly sets forth the policy of His Majesty's Government with regard to all holy places, religious buildings, or sites in Palestine.
§Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that there is no intention whatever of interfering with any mosques by the Palestine Committees, and also that King Solomon is held in equal reverence by Mohammedans, Jews, and Christians?
§Earl WINTERTON Will my hon. and gallant Friend make it clear that so far from His Majesty's Government wishing to interfere with the holy places, a Mohammedan guard has always been placed over the Temple; and will he convey to the Minister of Health the un-desirability of making the sort of figurative speech which he did, in view of Mohammedan susceptibilities?
§Mr. AMERY I cannot be responsible for the extent of misinterpretation which may be put on figurative speeches, but it is certainly the case, as my Noble Friend stated, that a guard has been on the Mosque of Omar ever since the occupation, and there is every intention of safeguarding the holy places of every religion.
____________
*
By A.W. Lloyd, 'Punch', January 19, 1921
^